People power. While the Russian government enjoys a high and
constant level of support, that support is, to a degree, rather passive: the
population knows that the ruling party will stay in power but appears to be
content that it do so. However, things are stirring: I do not refer to the
“opposition” so beloved of the Kommentariat but to blue
buckets. It is a grass-roots movement, sustained by the new media, and mobilised
against the flouting of the law by big wheels. There will, no doubt, be
attempts to paint this as an anti-government phenomenon but there is no reason
why it need be: Medvedev has often railed against “legal nihilism” and the “bucketeers”
are aiming at the same target. It is, I believe, the first example of a
spontaneous, nation-wide, bottom-up expression of the popular will in post-Communist
Russia: neither something the government started nor an artificial stunt like
Other Russia. It could become a challenge
to the government should the government ignore or attempt to suppress it.
Medvedev would be advised to show the movement some support: the wise leader
knows when to follow.
Okhta Centre. A “monstrous
carbuncle” indeed, the proposed Okhta Centre in St Petersburg
has attracted much opposition; even Medvedev has weighed in against
it. Nonetheless a local court dismissed a suit opposing it. Another issue around
which grass-roots opinion could coalesce.
Attitudes. A commonplace of Russophobic opinion is that Russia is
disliked and feared by most of its neighbours. The reality is rather more
complicated as this
analysis makes clear. The author concludes: “the much ballyhooed ‘Russian
resurgence’ across the former USSR rests on firmer foundations than just
political pressure or economic takeovers – of at least equal importance is that
many of the peoples in its path back to regional hegemony aren’t actually that
averse to it.”
Big government. Medvedev has told the government
to draw up proposals to cut
officials by 20%. If he should pull that off, it would be a world first.
Kaczynski crash. Russian sympathy
and openness (and the Russian story of warning the plane off has been confirmed)
have been marred by the discovery that some of the Russian first responders
looted the bodies; four have been charged. Coverage
was interesting: BBC rushing to imply the Russians were lying; Poles apologising
for an erroneous accusation (bet the BBC doesn’t). Not OMON or police, but
conscript soldiers.
Demonstrations. The pattern is
familiar: Other Russia requests a
venue that it knows it will not get for a demonstration; the City offers
another location; the marchers go to the first anyway; the police break up the
demonstration and Other Russia has its desired incident.
On the 31st the pattern was repeated. Human Rights
Commissioner Lukin described
the police action as “savage
and inappropriate” and his office has suggested that Bolotnaya Square
be turned into a “speakers’ corner” like the one in London. The square is a
good choice: reasonably central and a decent size, demonstrations will not tie
up traffic. And Repin is
not a bad presiding genius for such a place. This seems to be a good way to
break the ridiculous cycle of provocation and police over-reaction; given that
the police and majority party support the idea,
it will likely happen.
History wars. Medvedev has ordered all WWII archives
be published on the Net by 2013; some already are.
Jihadism. Activity continues
with successes and failures for the security forces. But yesterday security
forces captured the leader
of the jihad in Ingushetia. He was taken alive and is now in
Moscow. It is rare to capture the leaders – they are usually killed – and he
will be a source of intelligence. We can expect more successes to come.
Weapons. Kiev, under former management, supplied a lot of weapons
to Georgia under murky circumstances. I expected the new government to take a
look and so it has; irregularities have been found.
Georgia elections. The ruling party dominated in Georgian
local elections last month and the result has been breathlessly hailed as showing
“broad
public support” for Saakashvili. But, turnout was rather low and OSCE observers
were not very impressed: one in five vote counts were assessed as “bad or very
bad”.

Lukin's office was not the one to suggest Bolotnaya Square as a speakers corner. That was Alexander Brod, who works for the Moscow Human Rights Bureau, which, according to their own website, is an NGO. Lukin is a federally-appointed ombudsman. Please be careful when fact-checking your details.
Posted by: T. F. | June 13, 2010 at 01:57 PM
Dear WF
According to Wikipedia Brod is "is a member to Expert Council at the Ombudsman of Russian Federation."
My Sitrep is restricted (for many years) to one page. I therefore decided that the connection was there and that was why I wrote what I did.
Posted by: Patrick Armstrong | June 18, 2010 at 03:29 PM