Putin’s view. Occasionally we get a succinct indication of Putin’s
thinking. Here’s one
from a meeting with the State Council on Friday: “We must not allow our
political culture to follow a Ukrainian scenario, and we must also prevent it
from sliding into totalitarianism and despotism. Unfortunately, we know
examples of this within the post-Soviet space”. A not unreasonable via media.
NATO. Relations proceed
as NATO continues its self-educational process of realising Russia is more
important than it used to think it was.
Prediction. A study
by PricewaterhouseCoopers predicts that, by 2050, Russia’s economy will be the
sixth-largest in the world and larger than any in Europe. There are too many future
unknowns to put much stock in these kinds of predictions but it is interesting
(amusing?) to juxtapose this with the commonplace predictions that Russia will
collapse, sink into permanent poverty or that Russians will disappear from the
earth.
Voting. The Central Elections Committee
has proposed the
elimination of preliminary
voting; it is widely regarded as the principal means of “improving” election
results. (I refuse to say “fixing”: under no conceivable circumstances, with
the government so supported and the opposition so irrelevant, would United
Russia not dominate elections across the country).
Shaymiyev. I have long been intrigued by Mintimer Shaymiyev who has
been more or less running Tatarstan since 1989 (and a major player there since
1983). I was impressed by the negotiation of the power-sharing treaty with
Moscow in the 1990s (which
still has legs: I love that “associated (объединенное) with the Russian
Federation”) and the way in which Moscow was skilfully manipulated by Kazan.
Indeed, at one point in the First Chechen War Shaymiyev’s website could not
resist pointing out how much cleverer he had been than Dudayev had been in
Chechnya. Dudayev threw away the
power-sharing treaty that the Chechen parliament negotiated with Moscow in 1992:
because freedom
needed sacrifice. On the
contrary, one of the Tatarstan negotiators told me, never did they make the
mistake of breathing the word “independence”. On Friday he announced he would
not seek another term as President and will retire in March. Age, presumably,
he’s 73 (and maybe a gentle hint from Medvedev). Tatarstan seems to be one of
the better-off and more peaceful parts of the Federation. Medvedev has nominated PM Rustam
Minnikhanov. Who knows, maybe the Mayor of all the
Moscows (who is 74) will hang up his hat
next!
Karabakh. On Monday the Presidents of Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan
met in Sochi and agreed
to a “preamble” to an agreement on Karabakh. For some years this issue seems to
have been snatched back from solution at the last moment: often what happens is
that the war veterans in all three participants (it’s important to remember
there are three; it’s not just between Yerevan and Baku) protest any
compromise.
Iran. Foreign Minister Lavrov is quoted as saying
that Moscow is disappointed with Tehran’s reaction to the proposal on nuclear
fuels and added that “it is impossible to wait forever”. “Forever”,
however, is a long time and doesn’t preclude more waiting.
Georgia. The Georgian government has issued a policy statement on
South Ossetia and Abkhazia. It’s the usual stuff except for this: “Georgia
seeks to achieve these objectives only through peaceful means and diplomatic
efforts, and rejects the pursuit of a military solution”. For years Moscow tried
to get Tbilisi to formally renounce force (and the ceasefire agreement does
oblige it to do so) so this may mean something. But, on the other hand, there
is no reason to believe anything that comes out of Saakashvili or his
government. And, of course, the statement appears only now that the territories
have been lost to Tbilisi for the foreseeable future and the Ukrainian election
(in which Saakashvili seems to have tried to meddle) has removed one
of Saakashvili’s most important friends (and weapons suppliers – will the new Ukrainian
President will look into that murky
story?). Finally, a strategy of “engagement through cooperation” might have
been a winner in 1989, but it’s too late now: Tbilisi has attacked the two too
many times.

Hi Patrick. I also read the PWC study and, as a Russian citizen, was disappointed to see Russia behind Brazil and India for the size of GDP in 2050. I got somewhat consoled when I saw that Russia would be ahead in the GDP/capita. You make a valuable observation that this comes in stark contrast with those predictions of a Russian collapse.
Thank you,
Victor
Posted by: Victor Kramarenko | February 01, 2010 at 04:13 AM