by PETER FINN, Washington Post, July 14, 2008
RMW Commentary by GORDON HAHN
In an otherwise good article on Russia’s rampant corruption published (July 14 2008 - Washington Post “Taking On Russia's Ubiquitous Bribery”), Finn writes: “President Dmitrii Medvedev has provided few details about his proposed attack on corruption. Some critics, including InDem Foundation president Georgii Satarov, believe his interest in establishing the rule of law grows from a desire to legitimize property acquired by Kremlin insiders and their loyal collaborators during the Putin year.”
The effect of the article is yet another treatment of Russia’s corruption woes, followed by the rejection of the idea that Medvedev in fact intends to fight corruption at all. As a result, what appears as news reporting is actually the opinion of the author and his editors at the Washington Post.
Contrary to Finn’s claim that Medvedev has provided few details of his anti-corruption program, the new Russian president did just that in a speech to Russia’s Legislative Council, composed of the heads of the regions’ legislatures on July 2; that is, two weeks before Finn’s article.
The speech, broadcast on Vesti TV, provided considerable detail on the anti-corruption legislation still being drafted. In introducing the legislation’s outlines, Medvedev argued that corruption is Russia “is a real and systemic evil” and proposed that a series of legislative intiatives, presidential decrees, and other normative documents establish “a fully fledged and…systemic base to counter corruption.”
Medvedev then detailed specific measures proposed present in the draft legislation.
1.The institution rules for and the specifics of sanctions for bribe-taking and other forms of corruption. These would include confiscating property of, fining and firing state officials and officials of state and private companies and other entities.
2.Assigning criminal responsibility and imprisonment for corruption on the part of both state officials, judges, and individuals working in private companies and other private entities.
3.The establishment of a list of judicial and public offices (“judges and individuals who are candidates to become judges, members of the Federation Council, State Duma deputies, deputies in the legislative representative structures of state power, the Audit Chamber, Central Bank officials and some other positions, which we will also have to discuss”), possibly including law enforcement and the FSB (former KGB), that would be off limits to people with past criminal records or who were released from a previous office because of corrupt activity.
4.A reduction in the categories of public offices for which there exist special exclusions (immunity) regarding the opening of criminal cases and investigative measures. Medvedev may have been suggesting here that Russia’s law on civil service no longer exclude category ‘A’ officials (the country’s higher-ranking officials) from anti-corruption statutes.
5.The transfer of some functions from the federal to the regional level.
6.The creation of mechanisms for ensuring civil society’s oversight of officials regarding corruption.
7.Limiting the number of state officials on the boards of state companies to two at most and preferably one.
8.The establishment of rules to prevent conflicts of interest in decision-making (likely meaning in judicial and other official posts) and the institution of criminal prosecution for violating those rules.
9.The improvement of legal education.
10.Media campaigns promoting the rule of law and “anti-corruption behavior.”
Earlier Medvedev broached the idea of providing protection for journalists and public organizations that are engaged in the subject of corruption.
Also earlier, Medvedev urged the elimination of a major source of corruption - the numerous required permits and licenses needed to start small- and medium-sized businesses.
Thus, it is simply untrue, as Finn wrote, that Medvedev had provided few specifics regarding his anti-corruption plans.
Dr. Gordon M. Hahn – Analyst/Consultant, Russia Other Points of View – Russia Media Watch; Senior Researcher, Monterey Terrorism Research and Education Program and Adjunct Professor, Graduate School of International Policy Studies, Monterey Institute of International Studies, Monterey, California; and Senior Researcher, Center for Terrorism and Intelligence Studies (CETIS), Akribis Group. Dr Hahn is author of two well-received books, Russia’s Islamic Threat (Yale University Press, 2007) and Russia’s Revolution From Above (Transaction, 2002), and numerous articles on Russian politics.
Comments