Russia: Other Points of View

WHAT'S NOT TO LIKE ABOUT PUTIN?

REPRINTS

by Peter Lavelle

The Voice of Russia Radio (VoR) 'Debating Russia' host Peter Lavelle takes us into the heart of Putin's conservatism and why it appeals to the vast majority of Russians.

When Vladimir Putin returned for his third term as Russian president in 2012, many people were expecting more of the same - a determined and ever-confident Putin, perhaps just a little older and more experienced. In fact, what we’ve seen is that Putin has finally fashioned his own particular political outlook and worldview.

Putin is a great Russian conservative in just about every way, reflecting the attitudes and aspirations of the vast majority of Russians. When one thinks about the world’s movers and shakers, Vladimir Putin always makes the list. Western mainstream media consistently describe him in the worst possible colours and compare him to some of the least flattering historical figures. Putin as a politician is often grossly misunderstood, as are his politics.

RUSSIAN FEDERATION SITREP

by Patrick Armstrong

Russian media. Anatoly Karlin has opened a website translating stuff from the Russian media into English. It’s intended to counter the notion that Russian media is drearily pro-Putin and show its actual variety.

Direct Line. Putin gave his annual marathon phone-in session a couple of weeks ago. Far too many questions of the nature “Little Father, my roof leaks, please repair it”. Two conclusions, I suppose. One is that Russians are most concerned with mundane issues (a large portion of which seem to involve unresponsive government structures) The other is that, despite the anti-Russia crowd’s conviction that he controls everything, Putin spends a lot of time pushing on ropes. There was a pretty frank explication of disagreements on economic strategy and a respectful exchange with Kudrin. Those who think these things are staged should read the exchange with Aleksey Venediktov who challenged Putin on “Stalinist control methods”. By the way, Venediktov seems to thrive despite the dark premonitions in this New Yorker piece from four years ago. Ah well, another prediction gone bad; never mind, no one remembers, time for another one.

Opposition. An authorised opposition march on Moscow pulled 20K or so and passed off without incident. The anti-Russia mob likes to see the cause of the decline in protests as machinations of the evil government but a poll gives better guidance. Levada (no government stooge) asked its respondents which of 11 opposition leaders they trusted. 65% said “none” (8 points more than a year ago). None of the 11 got better than 3%. Yavlinskiy and Prokhorov warned them months ago that they had to come up with something more than mere opposition. They haven’t.

THE LIMITS OF COOPERATION WITH RUSSIA

REPRINTS

MSNBC.com

April 22, 2013

By Fiona Hill

Fiona Hill is director of the Center on the United States and Europe at the Brookings Institution. She served on the National Intelligence Council as the officer for Russia and Eurasia from 2006-2009. She is the author, with Clifford Gaddy, of the new book "Mr. Putin: Operative in the Kremlin."

In the wake of the Boston bombings, some have speculated whether  cooperation on counter-terrorism could put the U.S.-Russian relationship back on a more stable footing at a particular tense moment in bilateral relations. This will not be an easy task, even if both President Putin and President Obama are willing to try.

When Vladimir Putin became Russian president in the 2000s,  coordination on anti-terrorism efforts was his central idea for Russian-U.S. cooperation. Chechnya was an integral element for Putin. Even before the events of September 11, 2001, Putin repeatedly warned the United States of the connection between Russia’s Chechen insurgency and international terrorism. Now, 12 years later, when terrorists of Chechen ethnicity have struck the United States itself, that connection appears to have been made for him.

WHAT PUTIN AND THATCHER HAVE IN COMMON

REPRINTS

Moscow Times

22 April 2013

By Martin Sieff

There was a great irony in seeing the outpouring of heartfelt tributes to former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher after her death on April 8. Many of the loudest, most exaggerated expressions of praise came from fierce critics of current President Vladimir Putin. Conservative admirers, especially in the U.S., repeatedly maintained that no British or European leader of comparable stature had been seen anywhere since she was forced out by her own party in a political coup in December 1990.

Yet Thatcher does have a true heir in the world today — a leader who shares her iron will, her shrewd, crystal clear political judgment and her determination to restore and uphold the rights and interests of her long impoverished, long-demoralized people and restore them to their historic leading role on the world stage.

That leader is Putin.

During both the Soviet Union under the bungled leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev, and Russia under the incompetent presidency of Boris Yeltsin in the 1990s, there were entirely justified fears that society might break down in chaos, famine, urban riots and even civil war. Terrorist groups from ethnic minorities on the territorial fringes of both nations carried out repeated mass bombings that killed hundreds of civilians. The disintegration of both nations appeared inevitable.

RUSSIAN FEDERATION SITREP

by Patrick Armstrong

Russia Inc. A growing nervousness about the economy: the Economics Ministry has substantially dropped its forecast of GDP growth to 2.4% from 3.6% and the Minister warns of a possible recession this autumn; the outgoing and incoming heads of the Central Bank of Russia are concerned and so is Putin. Russia is still too dependent on energy exports and, as Europe sags, so do they. Coming over the horizon is North American energy production; dominance, some predict – the USA is close on Russia’s gas output already and, together with Canada, exceeds it. Diversifying its economy will not be easy for Russia Inc – perhaps desperately, Medvedev has offered a state prize to anyone who can solve the conundrum. As one strategy, Russia is more and more looking to China as a customer for energy but, while that gives Russia a growing market, it doesn’t do much for diversification.

Corruption. And still more cases opened, arrests and sentences – too many to keep listing. The Prosecutor General told the Duma that recorded corruption crimes were up nearly 25% to 49,513 and that more than 13,500 individuals had been prosecuted. I imagine the number is up because the pace of investigation has stepped up. Fraud, misappropriation of budget funds (defence contracts especially) and embezzlement involving abuse of office predominate: in short, officials are the greatest thieves. There can be no doubt that an effort much bigger than anything we have seen in twenty years (ever in Russian history?) is under way. One may wonder, however, given the slowness with which these sorts of crimes are investigated and prosecuted, whether the prosecutors have bitten off more than they can digest.

TANDEM 2.0: ITS NATURE, ORIGINS, AND CLOUDY FUTURE

by Gordon M. Hahn

Much has been written about the ‘death of the tandem’ of Vladimir Putin and Dmitrii Medvedev since they switched offices in the Kremlin.  Although analyzing the tandem has been akin to reading the tea leaves of Soviet politics in the era of ‘Kremlinology’, it is worthwhile examining whether the tandem still exists and what the nature of the relationship between Russia’s president and its prime minister are under the new configuration of power.

Although the tandem 2.0 is different from the tandem 1.0, it seems there is more than enough evidence suggesting the tandem survives and reason therefore to hypothesize about its political basis.  I have addressed on ROPV and elsewhere the disagreements over specific policies as well as the differences in general political orientation between the tandem’s two halves.  Suffice it to say here that Medvedev is more laissez faire in economics – having even referred to the ‘new’ conservatism of Reagan and Thatcher as models – and more pluralist, decentralized, and society-oriented in politics. Putin is more of a Russian “statist” and traditionalist (rather than socialist bent) preferring a strong state over both the polity and the economy.  Medvedev is more Western and more inclined to support Western positions in foreign policy; Putin decidedly ‘not so much.’

THE U.S. NEEDS A RUSSIA STRATEGY

REPRINTS

By Andrei Tsygankov

March 24, 2013

The new conventional wisdom among Russia experts in the U.S. seems to be that the U.S.-Russia relationship will be limited to issues of nuclear arms control only. Even in this area, it is difficult to expect breakthroughs. According to this view, the U.S. and Russia cannot increase their level of cooperation due to the divergence of their political systems and interests.

The two nations are divided over how to handle the Middle East, missile defense, human rights, differences in how fast Russia can become a full-fledged democracy, in addition to lesser issues––further, Washington doesn't see a meaningful role for Russia in today's changing world. Why? Russia's leadership prioritizes stability over democracy––and this runs counter to America's values and policies. Also the U.S. doesn't view Russia as sufficiently strong to be a global partner on issues from the Middle East to Asia. Finally, the United States advocates arms reductions, whereas Russia (in anticipation of greater instability in its nearby Eurasia neighborhood) feels it must rebuild its nuclear capabilities.

What is missing is real leadership: leadership that will offer a bold vision to tackle the world's problems jointly, acting on this vision––and accepting possible risks. As Jack Matlock, the U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union, reminds us, a good example of real leadership is how former Presidents Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev jointly ended the Cold War in the late 1980s thereby moving the world toward a new era of cooperation.  

REAGAN ENVOY SLAMS LECTURING RUSSIA ON HUMAN RIGHTS

REPRINTS

by Martin Sieff Moscow Times, March 14, 2013 One of America’s most respected, and experienced, veteran diplomats has seriously criticized the policy of publicly lecturing foreign governments, especially Russia, on the issue of human rights. Veteran arms negotiator Richard Burt, who served two Republican presidents, also warned that the controversial Magnitsky Bill, penalizing Russian nationals for their alleged involvement in the imprisonment and death of lawyer Sergei Magnitsky, had started a “spiral of response and counter-response” that would prove extremely harmful for both the United States and Russia. “I don’t think it’s very productive to publically castigate foreign governments,” Burt told a meeting in Washington, DC organized by the Center on Global Interests (CGI) on March 12. “It just embarrasses and humiliates the other party and it is counter-productive.” “A quiet strategy of working with foreign governments to reform in my judgment is far more effective than the public criticism that is so popular in Congress and indifferent parts of this town,” the ambassador said. Burt reminded his audience that in the 1980’s, U.S. Secretary of State George Shultz “convinced (President) Ronald Reagan that we had to engage with the Soviet government.” “The Magnitsky Bill was the price the Obama administration had to pay to get Jackson-Vanik lifted,” he said. The 1974 Jackson-Vanik Amendment linked U.S. trade relations with countries that had non-market (originally nations in the Communist bloc) and made free trade with such countries conditional on them permitting freedom of emigration and other human rights. It remained in force for 20 years after the disintegration of the Soviet Union (its primary target) and was only repealed on Dec. 14, 2012, the same day that President Obama signed the Magnitsky Bill into law.

RUSSIAN FEDERATION SITREP

by Patrick Armstrong

BEREZOVSKIY. Suicide after the loss of the rest of his money seems the most likely theory although his “friends” are being as suggestive as possible (See Dunkerley on these nebulous suggestions). But I notice that this time, the Western MSM, ever ready in the past to uncritically re-type an anti-Putin handout, is holding back: maybe the judge’s opinion of Berezovskiy’s veracity has persuaded them not to be so credulous. And so the Western media has lost one of its favourite sources for anti-Putin stories. Perhaps we will now learn more about the many mysteries surrounding Berezovskiy. The murder of Paul Khlebnikov (the ur-source of the “journalists murdered in Russia” theme), connections with Chechen slavers and kidnappers between the wars, funding for Shamil Basayev, the apartment bombings, the shaping of the Litvinenko story (every character in it worked for, or had worked for, him), the murder of Anna Politkovskaya, the shaping of the Pussy Riot story. Then there’s the story that he wanted to go back to Russia. Lots of rumours, few facts. I am amused that this obit by Masha Lipman manages to avoid all these questions.

LITVINENKO INQUEST. Postponed until October – that will be about the seventh anniversary of his death and still no official finding on what happened! They say that MI6 was paying him. Not the open and shut story we were sold and getting less so by the moment.

CHINA TIGHTENS BONDS WITH MOSCOW

REPRINTS

Xi tightens bonds with Moscow

By Brendan O'Reilly

Brendan P O'Reilly is a China-based writer and educator from Seattle. He is author of The Transcendent Harmony. He may be reached atoreillyasia@gmail.com

Xi Jinping highlighted the essential nature of the Sino-Russian relationship by making Moscow his first foreign destination after his appointment as president. In talks with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, Xi promised to expand economic, military, and strategic cooperation between the two nuclear powers.

The deepening bond between Beijing and Moscow has immense implications for the entire world - especially the United States. Indeed, it appears that Washington may have made a failed attempt at a "divide and rule" stratagem before Xi's Russian trip.

RUSSIA EQUITIES: BETWEEN A ROCK AND A HARD PLACE

FINANCIAL ANALYSIS

by Chris Weafer

The equity market continues to be driven by external events and news flow. Russia, like many other EMs that are deemed to be most at risk from slowing global growth, is considered a fringe investment theme and will remain so until the threats overhanging the US and EU are reduced.

This week, the main focus will again be external, with the next phase of the budget debate in the US and the US Federal Reserve’s monthly FOMC meeting likely to provide the major talking points, and have the greatest influence on investor attitude toward risk assets. Before that, however, the Cyprus deposit protection proposal has hit markets hard in Moscow and across Europe this morning as investors worry that this issue may escalate into a bigger political and economic crisis to destabilize the Eurozone.

Our base-case is that the volatility in 1Q13, such as we se today, should give way to calmer markets in the spring and early summer, when we expect to see the risk premium in Russian equity valuations decline. We recommend adding to portfolio positions during days like today and into any periods of weakness generally and again highlight our top stock picks in the table in the attached published note

The weekly fund flow data from EPFR Global shows that investors, who had added over $30 bln to EM equity funds in January and February, have become much more cautious since the start of March. Last week, they withdrew money for only the second time since the first week of September.

The domestic talking point this week will likely be provided by Russia’s February macro report, which is expected to again show a weaker economic performance than seen over the same period last year.

To access the full report, click here  Download Russia In Context - March 18 '13

PUTIN 2.0 - YEAR ONE

By Gordon M. Hahn

It has been just about a year since Vladimir Putin 2.0 was inaugurated in the Kremlin as Russian president.  He was succeeding his own interregnum successor Prime Minister Dmitrii Medvedev and the liberalization policy carried out under the Medvedev-Putin tandem, referred to be the present author first as a ‘thaw’ and then with deepening liberalization, ‘perestroika 2.0. 

Perestroika 2.0 left several tasks unresolved: democratization, market liberalization, and political instability characterized by opposition mobilization, splitting within the Putin elite, and a malaise among Putin’s constituency within the population.  With Putin’s return to the Kremlin, democratization and market liberalization were no longer near the top of the agenda; stabilizing politics moved unequically to the top.  This does not mean that democratization and marketization are off limits for the mid- to long-term, but rather that they will not be pursued as ends in and of themselves and without pressure from below exerted by the opposition or external circumstances.

With political stabilization at the top of the agenda, Putin needed to accomplish three tasks: weaken the street opposition, consolidate the elite, and re-mobilize his popular constituencies.         

RUSSIAN FEDERATION SITREP

by Patrick Armstrong

Electoral system. In the beginning, the Duma’s 450 seats were chosen half by party list and half by single mandate with a 5% threshold. Then Putin I changed it to all party list and 7% threshold. Putin II has just sent a bill to the Duma to change it back to the original. So what was the point of all that? The new law forbids electoral alliances – obviously another attempt to force like-minded people to unite. But we have 20 years of observational experience that Russian liberals refuse to sink their (small policy but large personality) differences. On a personal note, I was an observer in the 1995 election when 40-some parties ran. The party vote ballot was the size of a newspaper sheet and few voters had a clue. Are we going back to that?

Corruption. Investigations all over the place. Phoney academic degrees; embezzlement at RusHydro; two frauds in the Penitentiary Service; tax evasion at RUSAL; a former Duma Deputy. And not to forget OboronServis: Prosecutor General Chayka says 25 separate cases have been combined, the total cost of which is now said to be over US$400 million. The MoD is target-rich: a general is suspended, a former financial administrator jailed, a possible rotten rations scandal, and a supplier case. And the Olympics appear on the horizon: cost inflations. Sergey Ivanov has said that no one is immune. The Central Bank has weighed in with a statement that illegal money transfers amounted to US$49 billion in 2012 and that every tenth company making settlements through its payment system dodged tax payments in 2012. Obviously these cases have been in preparation for some time and investigators are digging. Definitely a serious campaign.

A U.S.-RUSSIAN BILATERAL AGENDA: PREVENTING A FULL MELTDOWN IN RELATIONS

COMMENTARY

by Gordon M. Hahn

Just as resets can crash computers, the U.S.-Russian ‘reset’ has crashed relation between Washington and Moscow. 

In the end, the U.S./Russia reset was overloaded by the challenges posed by the so-called ‘Arab Spring’,Vladmir Putin’s return to the Kremlin, and his institution of a soft, selective crackdown on some Russian opposition elements.

Moscow has given up on integration with the West.  The reset was the last gasp in the mid- to long-term of post-Cold War aspirations for such integration.  For the foreseeable future – the rule of Putin and perhaps his successor – Russia will seek to establish its place as one of several global powers in a multipolar world playing an important role in both the East and the West.

This does not mean Russia will be antagonistic towards the West and the United States or that the dream of a democratic Russia is dead.  It does mean, however, that Russia will be guided by its national interests and those will at times run counter to the interests of Washington.

There will be some opportunities for Presidents Barack Obama and Vladimir Putin to establish U.S.-Russian cooperation, but they will be confined largely to general threats to global stability.  Moreover, there are several issues over which relations could devolve into confrontation.  Therefore, the task for at least the next four years will be to reduce and manage tensions so the relationship does not meltdown entirely.

RUSSIA REPORT AND THE NATURE OF RUSSIAN DEMOCRACY ARTICLE

by Sharon Tennison

Hi y'all, from Georgia!

A six-day book tour within a 75 mile radius of Atlanta is winding down. Numbers of Kiwanis Clubs which hosted PEP delegations over the years also hosted me.  Other presentations included a Rotary luncheon, a library event, an article in the Newnan newspaper,  two TV spots that were taped, and an evening "book reading" for a house full of local residents interested in international affairs, and Russia in particular (after being part of the home hosting teams).

After sharing with you an analysis written this month, I'll touch on a bit of  exciting local color of Georgia.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~

 The following article answers a lot of the questions asked of me when traveling in middle America.  It is one of the best explanations of Russia's experience with growing a democracy (and America's frustration with it), that I've read.  Vlad Sobell, a highly respected Russia analyst who earlier fled Communism as a youth (google him),  provides insights we don't get in our US media.  Since leaving the USSR, Vlad has been obsessed with political systems around the world, what works, what doesn't, and what it would take to create a workable system.  Over the past 30 years he has followed Russia's bumpy efforts to try to democratize and become part of the free world after three and half generations of heavy Communist indoctrination. 

RUSSIAN FEDERATION SITREP

By Patrick Armstrong

CORRUPTION: IS ANYTHING REALLY HAPPENING? I recommend reading our discussion. But, if you don’t read the whole thing you must read Anatoly Karlin’s entry: all we ever hear is that Transparency International puts Russia near the bottom. But other ratings contradict its: Karlin names them, gives their scores and discusses about the implications. His conclusion is that Russia is pretty much at the world average. Myself, I don’t take these ratings on Russian corruption, press freedom, human rights or anything else very seriously because they’re all too affected by the prevailing memes and I suspect the motives of most of the raters. But Karlin’s point is that TI’s ratings fit poorly with other indicators. Russia is certainly very corrupt but 133^rd worst? I doubt it. (TI, by the way, rates Georgia at 51; let’s watch that rating under Georgia’s new management.) Meanwhile the investigations roll on. More in the military, which some observers rate as the most corrupt part of the body politic: one of the principals in the OboronServis scandal has been released with movement restrictions; she fully cooperated with the investigation, they say, so we’ll be hearing more. A case about soldiers being left to starve has been opened. And the Audit Chamber says it has uncovered nearly US$4 billion in waste and misappropriation in 2012 (more than 10% of the budget). A former Agriculture Minister is questioned in a fraud case revealed last November. And a brand new embezzlement case at the Skolkovo high-tech centre of which Medvedev was so proud. Come to think of it, you should read Sergei Roy’s entry too. “Appropriation of budgetary resources”; that’s what Russia’s big-time corruption involves: the transformation of public money into private benefit. Too many investigations now to keep track of.

BACK ON TRACK TO NORMALCY INSTEAD OF RESET. IN THE WAKE OF MUNICH CONFERENCE

REPRINTS

by Pyotr Iskanderov

http://www.strategic-culture.org/

The 49^th Munich international security conference had some hidden obstacles. First of all, it took place at the time of utter uncertainty concerning the Syria’s situation. A solution requires close cooperation between the USA and Russia just exactly when the bilateral relations go through hard times. 

There were two major issues defining the agenda. First: is it possible to find a solution to the Syrian conflict aggravating the whole situation in the Middle East? Second: is the reset still in force or its initiator Barack Obama decided to alter priorities after being re-elected for the second term? 

The answers are still hanging the air. No reset speeches were heard this time. In February 2009 Vice President Joe Biden used the term, but this time he said something else. According to Biden, the USA want to get the relations with Russia «back to normal». 

The US Vice President didn’t hide the fact that there were many contradictions between the United States and Russia. The independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, the Syria’s crisis, the missile defense and further expansion of NATO and, finally, the human rights and democracy, the issues that have come to the fore recently. The Vice-President emphasized, «These differences are real, but we continue to see opportunities for the United States and Russia to partner in ways that advance our mutual security interest and the interest of the international community».. That’s what defined his meeting with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. 

RUSSIA IN CONTEXT: RUSSIA SUFFERS COLLATERAL DAMAGE

FINANCIAL ANALYSIS

by Chris Weafer

“Schopenhauer was right. Life without pain has no meaning. Gentlemen, I am here to give your lives… meaning.”

Dr Lindstrom (Red Dwarf)

Down w-o-w despite positive global dynamics. Russian equity indexes drifted lower last week in contrast with modest gains for the S&P 500, Chinese equities and the Brent price.

Off the table until reforms, forecasts bear fruit. Russia will remain a marginal theme in global markets until there is more visible progress in reforms and investors are more convinced that forecast economic growth and earnings can be delivered.

Russian equities are set to follow this week’s global events. This week, the equity indexes are more likely to play catch up if global markets climb further, while a weaker trend in the S&P 500 could push Russian equities lower.

Brent up, evoking caution. The Brent price breached the technical target of $118/bbl we highlighted last week. Saudi Arabia is expected to warn against a higher price and promise to add supply to bring the price back toward $110/bbl.

Quiet in emerging markets. Activity and news flow in emerging markets is expected to remain low this week due to the long Chinese New Year holiday and Carnival in Brazil.

US politics, US and EU macro in focus. The main global market events this week will be the State of the Union address in Washington, US retail sales and industrial production updates and flash GDP reports in the EU.

US, Spanish and Italian debt events are the main risk. The main risks to the fragile net-positive global market sentiment are that US debt and budget talks may break down or that Spain and/or Italy may move into crisis. Spain’s 10y Sovereign yield climbed to 5.52%, while the Italian equivalent reached 4.63% last week.

Tuesday’s Central Bank meeting the main domestic story. Benchmark rates are not expected to change, but the bank is again expected to warn about inflation dangers.

To access the full report, click here  Download In Context Russia Feb 11 '13

PUTIN'S POLITICAL PERESTROIKA: CONSTRUCTING A SYSTEM, OBSTRUCTING THE STREET

COMMENTARY

By Gordon M. Hahn

Amidst his ongoing crackdown on the more irreconcilable (in some cases, radical street opposition leaders, Russian President Vladimir Putin has continued some aspects of Dmitrii Medvedev’s political liberalization or ‘perestroika 2.0’.

         

Medevedev proposed a number of important liberalizing political reforms prior to the December 2011 Duma elections. Riots and subsequent mass demonstrations erupted which were led by a coalition of democratic, nationalist and socialist organizations.  Almost all of the reforms were implemented before Putin’s return to the Kremlin.  Of the two that were not, the most important was Medvedev’s proposal to return to the pre-Putin “Yeltsin era” electoral system for the State Duma, Russia’s lower house of parliament.  Under that system Duma deputies were, and now will be elected again (in 2016), in two ways. First, 225 deputies are elected according to the percentage of votes given to political parties; the other 225 elected in single-mandate districts.

RUSSIAN FEDERATION SITREP

by Patrick Armstrong

MAGNITSKIY. Yet another one-sided piece of re-typing has hit the West. The posthumous “trial” of Magnitskiy is being described as bizarre, Kafkaesque, absurd and so on without any background Here is some. A couple of years ago the Russian Constitutional Court ruled that, in cases where the defendant died before the verdict, a trial could/should be held so that the defendant’s name could be cleared (or not, as the case might be). Unusual perhaps, but there is a certain amount of sense. (For example, many of the people condemned by Stalin have been re-tried and exonerated; see here, for example, from 1988). The process in the case of Magnitskiy began about a year ago. For whatever reason, his family does not like the idea. The trial was immediately postponed at the objection of the family, so maybe that’s the end of it. I am informed that British law has a similar procedure which is called a “judicial inquiry” but otherwise proceeds very like a trial. Given all the accusations that have been slung around in the Magnitskiy case, one would think that an inquiry would be welcomed. Or are there parties who only want one verdict? Where is RT in all this, by the way? Isn’t it supposed to give the Russian point of view? But the shape of the story has now been set and it will be added to the indictment.

NOT WASTING THE MONEY. We hear little about how Russia spends all the money it pulls in because, I suppose, it wouldn’t fit the easy meme of corruption and anti-democracy. In Ottawa we take snow removal seriously (230 cms a year) and I was interested in this film of snow removal in Moscow showing an equally serious and capital-intensive operation. Note how much of the equipment is foreign-made.